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Summary
In this episode of Crash Course Sociology, the concept of deviance is explored through various sociological lenses. Deviance, as illustrated with examples like armed robbery and pacifism, varies in nature but is present in every society, serving specific functions. The episode delves into the structural functionalists’ view led by Durkheim, emphasizing deviance's role in establishing cultural norms and boundaries, fostering unity, and prompting social change. Merton's strain theory is introduced to explain societal variations in deviance. The episode also examines symbolic interactionist theories, highlighting the significance of labeling and stigma in understanding deviance, and concludes with conflict theory, focusing on the link between deviance, power, and inequality.
Highlights
Deviance helps define cultural values and societal norms. 📏
Society's reaction to deviance strengthens social unity, especially in traumatic events. 🤝
Examples like Rosa Parks showcase deviance as a catalyst for social change. ✊
Merton's strain theory connects societal goals with access to resources. 💼
Labeling can escalate behavior from minor to severe deviance. 🔍
Conflict theory reveals how power dynamics influence perceptions of deviance. ⚖️
Key Takeaways
Deviance serves essential functions in society, such as defining norms and promoting social unity. 🚓
Structural functionalism, symbolic interactionism, and conflict theory provide different perspectives on deviance. 🧠
Labeling theory explains how society's reactions can reinforce deviant behavior. ⚠️
Conflict theory highlights the role of power in defining what is considered deviant. 💪
Understanding deviance involves acknowledging its complexity and societal context. 🌐
Overview
Diving into the multifaceted concept of deviance, this episode of Crash Course Sociology uncovers how individuals as different as armed robbers and pacifists both display deviant behavior from a sociological perspective. It explores Emile Durkheim's insights on the functional roles that deviance plays, such as defining cultural values and norms, promoting unity, and even catalyzing social change. Through these lenses, deviance is more than just 'bad behavior'—it’s a critical part of the social fabric.
Symbolic interactionism introduces us to the significant impact of labeling, which can transition an act from primary to secondary deviance, affecting an individual's self-concept and social identity. This is elegantly demonstrated through hypothetical scenarios and real-life applications like drug addiction. Labeling and societal reactions perpetuate stigmas but also offer evolving approaches in addressing behaviors, shifting from punitive measures to therapeutic responses.
The episode concludes with conflict theory, offering a powerful critique of how deviance is often a reflection of societal power dynamics. It highlights disparities in how rules and norms are applied, pointing out the political nature of these constructs. Conflict theory challenges us to question not only the application of laws but their inherent justice, especially in contexts marked by social inequality across gender, race, and class.
Chapters
00:00 - 00:30: Introduction to Deviance The chapter titled 'Introduction to Deviance' starts by drawing a comparison between an armed robber and a pacifist, highlighting that both are considered social deviants. Despite their vastly different behaviors, they share common ground in their deviant status. The chapter underscores the complexity of deviance by pointing out that individuals may engage in deviant behavior—like armed robbery or the rejection of violence—for varied reasons. It introduces the idea that there are multiple theories in sociology that explain how such different individuals are categorized as deviants, and it hints at exploring the broader societal implications of their actions.
00:30 - 01:00: Sociological Paradigms and Deviance The chapter titled "Sociological Paradigms and Deviance" explores the origins of deviance through the lens of three major sociological paradigms: structural functionalism, symbolic interactionism, and conflict theories. It references Emile Durkheim’s structural-functionalist perspective, emphasizing that deviance serves a purpose in society as it is universally present across societies.
01:00 - 02:00: Durkheim's Structural-Functionalist Approach In the chapter titled "Durkheim's Structural-Functionalist Approach," it is discussed how Émile Durkheim argued that deviance has four primary functions in society. One significant function is that deviance helps to define cultural values and norms, indicating that understanding what is considered 'good' or 'acceptable' is inherently linked to recognizing what is 'bad' or 'unacceptable.' Another function is that society's response to deviance serves to clarify moral boundaries. The societal reaction to deviant acts essentially delineates acceptable behavior, establishing formal or informal sanctions for behaviors that surpass the moral limits, like a bank robber being jailed or someone being mocked for their dressing style.
02:00 - 03:30: Merton's Strain Theory Durkheim believes societal reactions to deviance unite people by reinforcing a sense of 'us' versus 'them'. This idea posits that even negative occurrences, such as school shootings, can strengthen societal bonds as people collectively react in outrage, grief, and charity to reassert shared moral boundaries.
04:30 - 06:00: Labeling Theory and Symbolic Interactionism The chapter discusses the role of deviance in society, emphasizing its potential to encourage social change. It references historical instances such as Rosa Parks' civil disobedience and the Civil Rights Movement to illustrate this concept. It also introduces Robert Merton's strain theory, which suggests that the level of deviance in a society is influenced by whether the society offers sufficient means to achieve its culturally defined goals.
07:00 - 07:30: Differential Association and Control Theory The chapter discusses the concept of 'The American Dream' as a cultural goal of financial success and highlights the conventional means to achieve it, such as education and hard work. It introduces Merton's idea of conformity, which refers to attaining culturally defined goals through approved methods. However, it points out that this conventional path to wealth isn't accessible to everyone, specifically to those raised in poverty who often lack viable opportunities for prosperity.
07:30 - 08:30: Conflict Theory and Deviance The chapter titled 'Conflict Theory and Deviance' discusses the concept of using unconventional or deviant methods to achieve societal goals when traditional means are inaccessible. The focus is on Merton's idea of 'innovation', where individuals resort to illegitimate ways, such as petty crime or organized crime, to achieve financial success. These actions, although aimed at the same societal goals, are considered deviant due to the unacceptable means employed.
08:30 - 10:00: Conclusion and Summary This chapter discusses various responses to societal expectations of economic success. One response is 'ritualism,' where individuals give up the goal of being rich and adhere strictly to societal rules, valuing them for their own sake. Another response is 'retreatism,' where individuals reject societal goals and means entirely, choosing to disengage from societal norms and expectations. The chapter explores these concepts within the framework of conforming or not conforming to societal goals.
10:00 - 10:30: Production and Credits The chapter explores how structural functionalism classifies deviant behavior in society, using examples such as drug addicts and alcoholics who are seen as escaping societal pressures. It also considers rebellion as a form of rejection of societal goals and means, driven by a counterculture supporting alternative aspirations. The example of an artist prioritizing peer recognition over financial success illustrates this concept. The chapter notes that the structural functionalist view assumes uniform treatment of all deviant acts as deviant within society.
Theory & Deviance: Crash Course Sociology #19 Transcription
00:00 - 00:30 As we noted last week, an armed robber
and a pacifist have something in common: They're both social deviants. But they're obviously also really different. It's hard to imagine that some people resort
to armed robbery for some of the same reasons
that other people reject violence. That’s why there are many different theories of deviance that can give us some perspective on how and why both the armed robber and the pacifist become deviant. Through sociology, we can explore how the
deviance of these two very different people
relates to society at large. [Theme Music]
00:30 - 01:00 To understand where deviance comes
from, we have to go back to the three major
sociological paradigms. And, as you might expect, structural functionalism,
symbolic interactionism, and conflict theories each
offer a different perspective on the matter. Way back in episode 5, we touched on Emile
Durkheim’s structural-functionalist approach
to deviance. His basic insight was that, since deviance
is found in every society, it must serve some
function.
01:00 - 01:30 And Durkheim argued that deviance serves four
functions in particular: First, he said, deviance helps define cultural
values and norms. Basically, we can only know what’s good
by also understanding what’s not good. He also argued that society's response to
deviance clarifies moral boundaries. This means that when society reacts to
deviance, it’s drawing a line, saying that when behaviors cross a certain
moral threshold, they can be sanctioned, either
formally or informally. So this can range from a bank robber being
sent to jail, to someone being made fun of
for the way they dress.
01:30 - 02:00 Durkheim also said that these reactions bring
society together. By reacting in similar ways to something that
seems not-normative, we’re basically affirming to each
other that we’re an “us,” and the deviants are “them.” And this isn’t necessarily a bad thing. In the more serious instances of deviance
– like, school shootings, for example – you see people uniting around that moral boundary
that’s been breached, and supporting each other. The spontaneous outpourings of outrage, grief, and
charity that you see in response to school shootings
are all examples of this pattern in action.
02:00 - 02:30 And finally, Durkheim pointed out that deviance
can actually encourage social change. We talked in episode 5 about Rosa Parks’ civil
disobedience, which was by definition deviant, and it was a factor setting off major
changes in American society, in the form
of the Civil Rights Movement. Now, while deviance might be necessary, some
societies can have more or less of it than others. To help explain the difference, American sociologist
Robert Merton proposed, in the 1930s and ‘40s,
what he called strain theory. Merton argued that the amount of deviance in a
society depends on whether that society has provided
sufficient means to achieve culturally defined goals.
02:30 - 03:00 In the US, financial success is one of the
strongest culturally defined goals. And the means of achieving it include things
like getting an education. So what we call “the American Dream” – the
idea of working hard to achieve financial stability – is a prime example of what Merton called
conformity: achieving culturally set goals by
way of conventionally approved means. Go to school, get good grades, graduate, get
a good job. Work hard. Get rich. Success. Right? Well, of course, even if wealth is your goal,
this approach isn't an option for a lot of people. Many who are raised in poverty, for instance,
lack a realistic path to prosperity.
03:00 - 03:30 And if you don’t have access to the means – like
money for an education or good-paying job
opportunities – then the goal will be elusive, too. So one response to the lack of acceptable
means is to use unacceptable means – that
is, deviant ones. Merton called this innovation, but here,
innovation means something a little different
from what you’re used to. Merton used it to describe deviant solutions
that people come up with to reach their goals. In this case, it could include everything
from petty thievery to organized crime. The goal is still financial success, but the
illegitimate means used to get there make it deviant.
03:30 - 04:00 Now, you might also respond in the opposite
way, by giving up on the goal – in this case,
economic success – and instead committing
totally to following the rules. You might decide that you may never be rich,
but at least you’re not going to be deviant. Merton called this ritualism, a deep devotion
to the rules because they are the rules. Of course, your other option is to reject
the whole system altogether – the means,
the goals, all of it. In this kind of response, which Merton labeled
retreatism, a person basically “drops out” of society,
rejecting both the conventional means and goals.
04:00 - 04:30 Merton classed drug addicts and alcoholics in
this group, because he saw these addictions as a way
of escaping the pressures of the goals and means. But rejection can also be constructive: Rebellion is a rejection of goals and means, but in
the context of a counterculture – one that supports the
pursuit of new goals according to new means. The artist who doesn’t want financial
success, but instead pursues recognition from
their peers is an example of this. So the structural functionalist perspective
on deviance provides some useful ways of thinking
about how deviance works on a macro scale. But it works on the assumption that everyone
who does deviant things will be treated as deviant.
04:30 - 05:00 The other paradigms of sociology call
this into question: They point out that social status impacts
how deviance is punished. Or whether it’s punished at all. For example, a symbolic interactionist understands
deviance through what’s known as labeling theory – the idea that things like deviance
and conformity are not so much a matter of
what you do, but how people label it. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble to see how
labels can make a deviant. Imagine a student skipping school. This is an example of primary, or minor, deviance. On its own, the transgression isn’t going
to affect the student’s self-concept.
05:00 - 05:30 That is, it’s not going to cause her to
think of herself, or label herself, as a deviant. And if she’s an otherwise good student,
then her teacher might just write it off as
a one time thing, and the fact that she cut classes would just
remain a minor, primary deviance. But if the teacher responds more strongly, and
punishes her, then that same infraction of the rules
can escalate into secondary deviance. In this case, a strong sanction could make
the student start to think of herself as a truant. And this can lead to what Erving Goffman
called a stigma: a powerfully negative sort of master status
that affects a person’s self-concept, social identity,
and interactions with others.
05:30 - 06:00 One of the most powerful effects of stigma
is that it leads to more labeling, especially of
what a person has done, or might still do. For example, a stigmatized student could be
the subject of retrospective labeling, where her past is reinterpreted, so that
she’s suddenly understood as having always
been irresponsible. Likewise, she could be subjected to prospective
labeling, which looks forward in time, predicting
her future behavior based on her stigma. Thanks Thought Bubble. As you can see, the whole process of labeling
can be extremely consequential. And it affects not only how we think of ourselves,
but also who responds to deviance, as well
06:00 - 06:30 as how they respond, and how the deviant person
is understood in society. Drug abuse, for instance, has largely been
understood as a moral failing. But it’s increasingly being seen as an illness. And as that perception has changed, so too
have the people who respond to drug abuse. Instead of just being a job for law enforcement,
today, instances of drug abuse often involve
both police and medical professionals. And instead of getting jail time, in some
places, violators are given medical and
psychological treatment. In other words, how people respond is beginning
to change.
06:30 - 07:00 And finally, instead of being judged as
personally culpable for some moral failing, addicts are increasingly seen as suffering from
a disease, freeing them, in part, from some degree of
personal responsibility for their behaviors. So the very way in which they’re understood
is also evolving. There are a couple other symbolic interactionist
approaches to deviance that don’t focus
on the power of labels. Differential association, for example, argues
that who you associate with makes deviance
more or less likely. And control theory focuses on a person’s
self-control as a way of avoiding deviance,
07:00 - 07:30 as well as their ability to anticipate and
avoid the consequences of their actions. All of these symbolic interactionist approaches
highlight the interpersonal responses to deviance. But a Conflict Theory approach links deviance
to social power. If we look at society, we find that the socially
deviant are not necessarily the most dangerous. Rather, a conflict-theory perspective points
out that they are often the most powerless. Conflict theory can explain why this is so
in a few different ways: For one thing, conflict theory posits that
norms and laws reflect the interests of the
powerful. So the powerful can defend their power by
labeling as deviant anything that threatens
that power.
07:30 - 08:00 For instance, in capitalist societies, deviant
labels are often applied to those who interfere
with the way capitalism functions. And since capitalism is based on the private
control of wealth, stealing is clearly labeled
as deviant. But there are also different rules for when
the rich target the poor: Petty thieves are treated as deviant in a way
that corporate criminals are not, even though
they both steal from other people. An employee taking goods out of the backroom is
hauled in by the police, while the boss who withholds
overtime pay often doesn’t even pay a fine. And this is the case, according to conflict theory,
because the powerful are able to defend themselves
against labels of deviance,
08:00 - 08:30 so deviant actions are less likely to lead to a
deviant label and thus reactions to that deviance. Finally, conflict theory points out that norms
have an inherently political nature, but the politics tend to be masked by the
general belief that if something is normative,
it must be right and good. So while we may take issue with how a law
is applied, we much more rarely ask whether
the laws themselves are just or not. Conflict theorists see these explanations
at work wherever the inequality of social
power can be found –
08:30 - 09:00 across gender, among races, and between
groups of different socioeconomic status. Ultimately, structural functionalism, symbolic
interactionism, and conflict theory all give
us useful tools for understanding deviance. Each of these paradigms is powerful, and we'll
be making use of all three next week, when
we look specifically at crime. Today we learned about how the three major
paradigms in sociology approach deviance. We talked about structural functionalism and
how deviance can fulfill a function in society. Then we turned to symbolic interactionism
and looked at how deviance is constructed. Finally, we discussed conflict theory and
how deviance is connected to power and inequality.
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